President Chen Shui-bian's Press Conference

July 31, 2000



President Chen Shui-bian held his second press conference at the Office of the President this morning to express views and enhance communication on topics of nationwide concern. The following is the full text of the president's press conference, including his opening remarks and replies to questions.



I. Remarks by Secretary-General Chang



Mr. President, Deputy Secretaries-General Chen and Chien, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen from the Local and Foreign Media:

        First, on behalf of the Office of the President, I would like to welcome you to today's presidential press conference.

        Time passes quickly, as it has been more than a month since the last press conference. During this time, several changes have taken place both at home and abroad. Internationally, the leaders of the eight major industrialized nations have convened a summit meeting and issued a joint declaration. Domestically, political, economic, and social development has entered a new phase and urgently demands that the government carry out its agenda with greater efficiency and team spirit. In cross-strait relations, we are moving towards an even more moderate direction. In foreign relations, the president wants Taiwan not only to stand up but also to reach out overseas. How this nation and society will further develop is a common concern of all our citizens, and you are all certainly interested in the president's views on these issues. This is the main purpose of today's press conference. Let us first invite the president to deliver his address and then open the session to questions by our friends from the media.



II. Opening Remarks by President Chen



Secretary-General Chang, Deputy Secretaries-General Chen and Chien, GIO Director-General Chung, Ladies and Gentlemen from the Media:

Good morning!



May the mothers never weep again—establish a "national human rights advisory committee"

        Thank you for taking time from your busy schedules to attend my second press conference since assuming office [as president]. A week ago, in this room, the Office of the President held its monthly Dr. Sun Yat-sen commemoration session. Together, we listened to a special report on Taiwan's human rights by writer Bo Yang and watched a 20-minute documentary entitled "Farewell to the Age of Weeping Mothers." The film showed the human rights monument on Green Island, and beneath each of the many names on this monument was written the time of imprisonment. These might have been only numbers, yet they represent the innumerable nights of darkness and the countless numbers of mothers who cried alone through endless nights. I believe that although this period of "white terror" is now history, memory of the blood and tears of that time still burn in the hearts of many people, even today. This serves as a reminder and a reflection for our government. As Mr. Bo Yang has said, we can understand, accommodate, and even forgive the wrongs and sins that the government committed in the past. But we definitely cannot forget, for if we do, history may repeat itself, and some events may happen again.

I have a very strong sense of mission. Therefore, I made it a special point in my inaugural address on May 20 that the Republic of China must be formally included in the international human rights system, and our people must have the opportunity to contribute their best to safeguarding international human rights. We hope that we will have the opportunity to abide by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, as well as the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action adopted by the World Conference on Human Rights.

This is why I say that we must include international human rights in our legal code, so that it will become part of our own institutions after approval by the Legislative Yuan. In other words, we must have a Taiwan human rights code that grows and advances with the rest of the world. Most important, we must push for the establishment of a national human rights committee. Whether it is to be placed in the Office of the President, the Executive Yuan, or the Control Yuan, I believe that we must overcome all difficulties and make our best effort to quickly realize this goal. In order to ensure that a national human rights committee is established as soon as possible, we must set up a national human rights advisory committee in the Office of the President. I hope to find a suitable individual who is interested and willing to sacrifice, contribute, and research human rights. This person will lead the committee and invite local and foreign experts, scholars, human rights organizations, and their volunteers to work with us in a committed effort to make the Republic of China a new model of human rights in the 21st century.

Of course, we must still remember what Mr. Bo Yang once told us, that we have taken a big step forward in the areas of democracy and human rights, and, as long as the government can continue to accept the most severe criticism from the people and thus nourish itself, we will have the opportunity to become a truly democratic country. The people must also continually reflect and learn. Only then can the wonderful dream of democracy and human rights be sustained.



Free the people of worries—a reflection on the Pachang River incident

We have learned from the 921 earthquake that we must always be prepared for the attacks and trials of nature. The July 22 Pachang River incident taught us a painful lesson; that is, when our citizens encounter danger and life-threatening obstacles, they want to know where their government is. Just as they seek help from Matsu, Buddha and God, people also want the government to save them in time of need. The Pachang River incident claimed four precious lives and left four families with everlasting sorrow. More important, the incident reflected that the new administration had inherited old bureaucracy, old ways of thinking and old attitudes from the previous administration. Certain public employees continue to think in old ways regardless of the birth of a new administration. As the leader of the nation, I was very upset and very ashamed to see the tragic scenes of this incident. How could something that is not supposed to happen be allowed to occur?

On behalf of the government, I would like to again express my deepest sympathy to the victims, their families, and the general public. I am very sorry that our government allowed this accident to happen. I firmly believe that their deaths should not be in vain. Our Vice-Premier, Yu Shyi-kun, has already stepped down to take political responsibility for this incident. However, I believe that even if we take political responsibility, these four precious lives can never be restored. In addition to assuming responsibility, the government must take good care of the families of the victims. We must learn a lesson from this, and review any deficiencies in the government. We sincerely hope that this kind of accident will never happen again.

The Disaster Prevention and Relief Act was finally enacted and put into force on July 19. Yet within three days of my signing it into law, this unfortunate incident occurred. Our Vice-Premier Yu Shyi-kun has stepped down to shoulder political responsibility. Although the Disaster Prevention and Rescue Committee is not yet formally in operation, it does not mean that there is nothing we can do. The incident revealed major problems in the disaster prevention and rescue system as well as in the communication and coordination system of our government. Certain contradictory, vague and gray areas exist in the current disaster prevention and rescue system. Nevertheless, these are not reasons for the government to evade responsibility. We will never shirk responsibility. Instead, the government should criticize itself and examine its mistakes. We have seen from this incident that there are problems in the attitudes and thinking of many government officials. As an old saying goes, “Laws cannot enforce themselves.” More regulations and laws will still be useless if we don’t conduct enough training and cultivate the ability to respond to problems. I believe that if our government officials, from the central to the local level, cannot bear the highest principle that “human life is precious and saving life is the first priority,” then similar incidents may happen again. By that time, it would be too late for government officials to apologize and resign from posts. As a result, I believe that we need to make great efforts and do better in certain areas. I would like to remind our government officials that we are not doing very well and it is true that we have let the public down.

However, we should not let this one incident affect our determination to strive harder in the future. In other words, all civil servants should realize the meaning of a "government for all people". In a "government for all people" the government exists for the people, and without them, there would be no government. The people not only supervise the government, but also place great expectations on it. Although no one government can handle everything with its limited powers, it would certainly let the people down when it failed to completely shoulder its responsibility. Despite this, I would still like to encourage, and boost the morale of all civil servants. We should aim at easing the worries of the people, so we can regain their confidence in the new administration. The other day I especially mentioned to Premier Tang Fei that we really need to work harder to eliminate serious problems in areas such as the system of communication. In the future, the premier should receive immediate reports on any major disaster or accident, be it fire, transportation, security or serious crises. Not only the premier, but also the president should be notified without delay. As long as the two of us are given reports, I believe all the relevant ministers will be informed, and, thus, all of the grass-roots level civil servants would be mobilized instantly. Starting from consolidating this system, we will improve the effectiveness of this administration and begin to strengthen the system of communications. We will never let anyone down again.



Let there be no more suspicions across the Strait and return to the 1992 spirit of "dialogue, exchange, and shelving disputes"`

        To improve cross-strait relations, I recall that in my May 20 inaugural speech and in the June 20 press conference, I repeatedly expressed sincerity and good will. However, the Chinese mainland has so far only replied with a minimum amount of good will. Many of our citizens have told me that we have made enough concessions and shown our sincerity to the fullest, yet have received little positive response from the Chinese mainland. They told me not to make any more concessions. But I wish to say that we should have more endurance and patience. We should not give up and are not giving up hope. I think both sides of the strait have played too many meaningless word games in the past. It was really unnecessary. Today, I would like to urge Beijing to work together again, based on the existing foundation and spirit of the 1992 meeting, and create positive cross-strait interactions.

        Of course, the "1992 spirit" corresponds with "dialogue, exchange, and shelving disputes". We believe that as long as there is dialogue, there is exchange; as long as there is exchange, there can be consensus. If there can not be any consensus, then, we would rather put aside disputes temporarily.

        It is the long-standing wish of the people and also the unavoidable moral responsibility of the leaders on both sides to improve cross-strait relations. Where it broke off, we should re-connect. We hope that the two sides can begin to "agree to disagree," through a process of "dialogue, exchange, and shelving disputes," and finally reach an acceptable consensus and conclusion for both, so the "agree to disagree" can become an "agreement of consensus". The idea and aim of the new administration is to eliminate mutual suspicion. I believe this is also the common wish and expectation of the more than one billion people who live under the rule of the Chinese communists.



Put an end to the confrontation among political parties and convene a round-table conference for all political parties as soon as possible

        Before the presidential election was held on March 18, 2000, everyone clearly knew that this would be a very competitive election. Because of this election, 1999 was also a very tense and confrontational year for every candidate. This is a very normal phenomenon during a democratic election. Now that the election is over, why don’t we work together to calm the passions that arose during the election and let our life return to normal as soon as possible? We are confident that in the midst of the competition among political parties, there is also room for cooperation.

There is only one Republic of China, and only one Taiwan. We have only one country. There is only the interest of the nation and the people. No matter how much we talk about national interests and the people’s interests, they should be placed above the interests of political parties and any individual. Why can’t the ruling and opposition parties sit down together, shake hands, make peace, and discuss national affairs?

        The government is newly established and immediately faces numerous national issues that are like thousands of threads and loose ends. These problems cannot be solved by just one person or one political party. With my utmost sincerity, I am facing the present difficulties of our country. I am also considering how to further improve relations between the two sides of the strait, upgrade economic development, and enhance the people’s welfare. These are what the whole population earnestly expects us to do. I believe these are not only the responsibility of the ruling party, but also the common obligation of all opposition parties.

        This is why last week I asked Secretary-General Chang to deliver my personal invitation to Chairman Lien of the KMT, Chairman Soong of the People First Party, and Chairman Hsieh of the DPP to attend a round-table conference. The reason for this conference is to show that all political parties have no relative superiority or inferiority. All parties are equally important and indispensable to the country. We hope that the issues discussed in this conference will be the result of respecting the different opinions of participating leaders from the major political parties. Issues on relations between the two sides, financial and economic policies, constitutional reform, social security, and other reform measures are all very important. Perhaps the political leaders still have divergent opinions. However, we have no pre-established positions or objectives. We are willing to make any changes on issues to be discussed in accordance with the valuable opinions of the chairmen.

        As for the time of the conference, we know that Chairman Lien is traveling abroad on August 3 and Chairman Soong will follow suit on August 9. Therefore, we do not expect to hold the conference in early August. In order to set up a time suitable for everyone, we are willing to hold a preparatory meeting before the conference. We hope that the staffs of these political parties can reach a consensus on the way the conference is to be held, issues to be discussed, and things we should have considered but failed to do so. I am bound to accept all opinions with an open mind.

        If sending Secretary-General Chang with my personal invitation fails to show my respect and politeness, I am willing to visit Chairman Lien at the KMT headquarters opposite the Office of the President in my capacity as national leader. Thus, I wish to show my deep respect for him and express the new government’s utmost sincerity and goodwill in holding a round-table conference of all parties. I believe that reconciliation and cooperation among all parties after the election is a major step toward ending confrontation among political parties.

I hope all leaders can understand this situation and appreciate what I am trying to do. I am confident that the change of ruling party is absolutely a trend of the future. I have been given an opportunity to serve the people today. I am sure that one day all political parties will have the same opportunity to contribute to the welfare of the whole nation. I hope that my sincerity and goodwill can gain your support and encouragement. This is the great expectation of the people and the common ideal and goal of the ruling and opposition parties for a long time.

        We know that when the Legislative Yuan finishes interpellation, it will be more than two months after the new government was established. During these past two months, Premier Tang was supervised, questioned, and counter-balanced by the legislature. I myself have also done my best to address such issues as bilateral relations, foreign affairs, national defense, and military affairs. At present, the political situation, bilateral relations, and diplomatic situation have been stabilized, and the army’s morale has been raised significantly.

Next, we will focus on the reform of domestic affairs. I believe that in August, Premier Tang will set other new policies to be carried out, for which I am very pleased and thankful. Premier Tang’s performance in the Legislative Yuan this past month is praiseworthy. I completely affirm what he has done in the past and have great faith and confidence in the new cabinet led by Premier Tang, although I know we still have much work to do on many things.



Return the truth to people—establish a “special investigation team” for the Yin Ching-feng case and military procurement scandal

For example, there has been no progress in the investigation of the 1993 death of Captain Yin Ching-feng. It was later learned that this was not purely a homicide case, but also related to much corruption in military procurements. These corruption cases led to the homicide. I formerly served in the Legislative Yuan as convener of the defense committee. In 1994, because I sincerely wanted to assist in the investigation of the Yin case, I worked very hard on the committee. During an entire session, I convened eight meetings in a row concerning this case. Later, I left the Legislative Yuan to campaign for the office of Taipei mayor, and consequently was unable to attain my goal. I fell short of success for lack of a final effort. However, after eight special case reports, similar to public hearings, my conclusion was that the Yin case was extremely complicated and involved highly sensitive levels. My conclusion then was that the case mainly stemmed from one fraud, be it the military purchase fraud of mine sweepers, Lafayette frigates, or survey ships. We still felt that it involved many government layers and high levels. My conclusion was that more than one person was involved. Later, as I left the Legislative Yuan to be the mayor of Taipei for four years, I had no right to investigate the case. Even when I was serving as convener of the defense committee, because I had no right of investigation, the effectiveness was limited. Now, the whole situation is different. From serving as a legislator in the past, I have become the new leader of the country. What I keep in my mind constantly, as several generals have told me privately, is that if we are unable to solve the case, it will not only be a disgrace for the military, but also cause great damage to the credibility of the judiciary and the country’s authority. Perhaps it is the spirit of Yin Ching-feng in heaven that helped put me in the Office of the President.

Therefore, I am officially announcing today the immediate establishment of an “investigation task force” for the Yin case and other related frauds. To elevate the investigative level, Public Prosecutor General Lu Ren-fa will lead the task force, along with the procuratorial, investigative, military, and police branches to make all-out investigations. All prosecutors and investigators taking part in the case and related people in the military are allowed to put aside their original duties and focus their attention on this case. I do not believe that there is no way to achieve good progress and results. I am officially announcing today that all the procuratorial, investigative, military, and police organs involved in the investigation of this case should make a concerted effort. In particular, the military. No matter whether it is the Ministry of National Defense, the General Staff Headquarters, the Navy General Headquarters, or any other related organizations--none should resist or refuse to cooperate. All should work to meet the needs of the investigation group. No matter how high the government level or how wide the scope, or whether persons involved are now in important positions, there will be no exceptions made for the full investigation of the case until the truth is determined.

I have already conveyed this decision to the Executive Yuan, and expect all government branches to work together without hesitation. Yet, I clearly know in my mind that there will be obstruction, even boycotts and resistance. Nevertheless, as long as the public is willing to encourage and fully support the investigation team and be its backup force, we are confident the case will be solved. We are also confident that we will be able to bring the persons involved to justice.

Eradicating “black gold” activities is a priority of the new government. We hope this case is just a start, for we can collect evidence for other cases. Where there is evidence, a case will be pursued. I believe now is the time. We should no longer wait or hesitate. Citizens have become impatient and are showing some disappointment from their high expectations of the new government, for they cannot see more action or progress by the new government to eradicate “black gold” activities. I must remind the new government that we have been given a chance to serve, and we must spare no effort. We should not allow ourselves to fail and be cast aside or replaced by the people. Otherwise, I am afraid it will be too late.



Taiwan reaches out to the world—the significance of the president visiting people in rural areas and traveling abroad

        Finally, I want to let our citizens and members of the media know about my trip to Central America and Africa starting August 13. This is my first trip abroad since my inauguration as president, a trip for our “democratic diplomacy and friendship.” We will transit Los Angeles to the Dominican Republic, the Republic of Nicaragua, and the Republic of Costa Rica for official visits. Thereafter, we will fly to Africa for official visits to the Republic of the Gambia, Burkina Faso, and the Republic of Chad. We expect to return to Taiwan on the night of August 25, making it a 13-day trip altogether. Excluding the transit in the US, we will spend an average of less than two days in each country. Some people joke that this is an “ascetic's trip” around the world, however, we believe foreign diplomacy is symbolic and representative of our nation’s sovereignty. Taiwan must stand up, and it must reach out to the world. In reaching out, Taiwan can see the world and, hopefully, the world can see Taiwan, the Republic of China. My first trip abroad has several meanings:

First, in the 2000 presidential elections, the people of Taiwan established a new record and turned a new chapter in Taiwan’s history with their ballots and love of country. In particular, we were able to make it possible for the peaceful transfer of power on May 20, so that Taiwan, the Republic of China, can stand at the center of the international stage. This is an outstanding achievement in democracy by the people of Taiwan. Therefore, my first visit abroad will not only draw the attention of the international community, it will also be a symbolic manifestation of this sovereign state.

Second, I will visit the Dominican Republic to attend the inauguration of President Mejia. The Dominican Republic also made its first transfer of power to a different political party in 14 years. The Republic of China was not absent in this trend of changing political party rule, and we are therefore proud of ourselves. As an incumbent head of state, after the change of political parties, I am paying a very significant visit to the Dominican Republic. Since Nicaraguan President Aleman was here for my May 20 inauguration, I wish to show my gratitude by especially adding this stopover in Nicaragua. As for my visit to Costa Rica, there will be a meeting of ROC ambassadors and representatives posted in Central and South America. Our other diplomatic partners are very important too. Although I am unable to visit each nation on this trip, I am sure we will have the opportunity to visit in the future.

Third, we have eight diplomatic allies in Africa, and have always placed special emphasis on relations with friendly nations in Africa. Most important, in the past, no president of the Republic of China has visited West African nations. Former President Lee Teng-hui, despite a promise to visit these countries, was unable to do so for certain reasons. We certainly apologize to these nations and have overcome all difficulties this time to make such a visit successful. I am also the first ROC president to officially visit nations in West Africa. We hope to consolidate our friendship with these countries so that they may better understand and trust the ROC’s foreign policy.

Of course, some people say that if possible, I should not go. I would like to tell you that communication is needed among relatives and friends to establish close relations. This is also true with countries. Many leaders, delegations, and special envoys from other countries came to Taiwan to attend my inauguration on May 20. As a sovereign state, the Republic of China also has to emphasize leadership diplomacy, and it is very important to have mutual visits between heads of state. It is inappropriate for them to come here only, and for us not to visit them. I hope our compatriots will understand and extend their support and encouragement to us. I want to tell you once more that the arrangement of this visit was done two months ago, and our advance group has just returned home. I can tell you they experienced great hardships during the process.

Countering the interference by the Chinese communists, we still face many difficulties and obstructions when dealing with our diplomatic allies. However, we will do everything possible to overcome difficulties. Therefore, we know the itinerary cannot be changed randomly. We also think there is no relevant problem concerning the timing of this trip. Through careful evaluation by our national security and diplomatic services, we believe this coming visit to foreign countries will not endanger national security or domestic stability. I am confident that Premier Tang is the best and most reliable head of the Cabinet. His recent performance deserves our confidence in his ability to stabilize the overall domestic situation.

Recently, somebody suggested to me that it would be better for me to allocate more time to working in the Presidential Office instead of going out to rural townships. Regarding this matter, I would like to tell you that I work more than 12 hours a day. If my working time is calculated from 9 am to 5 pm, I only make three visits to rural townships a week, occupying only a quarter of my time. Similarly, if I have to work until nine or ten o’clock at night, I only choose three times a week, half a day each time, to make visits to rural areas. This only occupies one-sixth of my office time, while I spend five-sixths of my time in the Presidential Office. I am sure that this arrangement will not have any adverse effect on the conduct of state affairs.

Moreover, I come from the grass roots and the countryside and was elected by the people. I fully understand that there should not be any distance between the government and the people. I cannot confine myself to an air-conditioned office, but need to share the joys and sorrows of the people and identify local problems and difficulties. I think some local problems cannot be understood simply by reading official documents.

Furthermore, I deal with fewer than 30 documents a day, most of which concern cross-strait, diplomatic, military, or national defense affairs. Those that are related to the Executive Yuan are only laws passed by the legislature and require my signature and promulgation. The official documents of the Executive Yuan are not sent to the Office of the President. Therefore, you can understand that I am determined to be a president for all the people, a president who will accept the supervision and checks and balances from the public and offer service to all citizens.

Perhaps some people think that it is inappropriate for me to attend the graduation ceremonies of some schools. I cannot understand the motive behind such criticism. Many people would not attach any importance to this matter. I can only tell you that the process of my personal struggle has had a significant impact on my life, including receiving a county magistrate’s award during my graduation ceremony from elementary school. The county magistrate granted the award to me in person, which made me understand that even as a boy from a poor family, I could receive an official honor, as long as I worked hard. Likewise, a lecture by Huang Hsin-chieh, the former chairman of the DPP, also changed my life. Therefore, I would like to spend some time attending the graduation ceremonies of schools, hoping to provide more encouragement to the young graduates.

My personal experience would perhaps give them some enlightenment, even though I do not have much charisma or influence. However, I am confident that some personal experience will provide a good example and give enlightenment to many, especially those children who live in remote rural areas, receive special education, or experienced the 921 earthquake. I need to share joys and sorrows with all of you. Perhaps I have not been right in doing so, but I hope you understand my intentions. I do not want to show off, and the focus of attention is always our children, the young graduates. I merely wish to offer more encouragement to them.

I am very grateful to all of you for attending this second press conference. We hope the new government will not disappoint you. The new government will do its best to work hard. I hope mothers will weep no more, people will not worry, the two sides of the Taiwan Strait will not suspect each other, ruling and opposition parties will not be in conflict, the truth will be revealed to the public, and Taiwan will go out to the world. I convey my heartfelt appreciation and best wishes to each of you once more. Thank you.



III. Question and Answer Session



Q1: When you were discussing the cross-strait issue earlier, you did not mention "one China." Does this imply a change in your attitude toward the "one-China" issue? Or does it mean that it is only a topic for cross-strait dialogue? Can you please elaborate further?

A: I especially emphasized earlier that Taiwan and the Chinese mainland have wasted too much time for too long playing word games. In 1992, Taiwan's Straits Exchange Foundation and the mainland's Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits discussed the "one-China" issue without reaching a unanimous conclusion. Nonetheless, the spirit of the 1992 meeting is very important, and we especially mention it, because it covered dialogue, exchange, and shelving disputes. If we can build on the existing foundation of the 1992 spirit, I believe that it will definitely be a very good beginning to re-establish positive interactions between the two sides. It will also be a common experience for the leaders and governments on the two sides of the Taiwan Strait.

Otherwise, we will only be repeatedly emphasizing areas of discord and dispute, with each side standing by its own views, never reaching a consensus with the other and arriving at no conclusion in the short term. Under these circumstances, if may be very difficult to have everyone sit down to calmly devote their best efforts to improving cross-strait relations. This is why I again mentioned that if we build on the existing foundation in the 1992 spirit, we will have a chance to improve cross-strait relations and resume cross-strait negotiation.



Q2: Will constitutional reform solve the problem of constitutional government system?

A: We have no such intention or plan. However, it is clear that the subject of a constitutional government system is still a common concern of both the ruling and opposition parties. This is why we hope to convene a round-table discussion. One of the subjects for discussion is constitutional government. This type of discussion will draw on collective wisdom and useful ideas. Is the present, improved presidential-premier government the best constitutional government system? Or is the presidential government, three-power government, and the single-parliament government that many people promoted in the past feasible? I still feel its worthwhile for the people in Taiwan, especially the legislators who have the right to promote constitutional reform, consider this matter.

Currently, the problems for our re-examination include the bilateral interaction between the legislative and the executive branches, as well as the interface of the Presidential Office between the legislative and the executive branches, especially the President’s sense of propriety with the Executive Yuan Premier and the executive departments. These problems are derived from a change in ruling party for the first time after the implementation of constitutional government. All these problems are significant and genuine and cannot be explained in a few words. The fact is there are problems. However, I do not mean that we should immediately begin constitutional reform. This is a very serious task; therefore, I would particularly note that, before the end of this year, it should not be the priority.

Unless the three-party round-table discussion develops a consensus that we should convene a similar constitutional reform conference on national affairs or national development, we still feel we can improve and strengthen through communication and coordination. I also hope, when Secretary-General Chang assumes his new post in the Executive Yuan, he will build good bridges between the Executive Yuan and the Legislative Yuan, between the Office of the President and the Executive Yuan, and between the Office of the President and the Legislative Yuan. Thank you very much.



Q3: Mr. President, during your election campaign you stated that “if A-bian is elected, the TAIEX will soar above 10,000.” Now that the new government has taken power, however, the stock market has not only failed to rise, but instead has witnessed a series of plummets. In particular, in the face of these turbid economic conditions, the financial sector has reduced the money supply to such an extent that many traditional industries are struggling to survive. What measures will you implement to help alleviate the financial difficulties currently plaguing the nation?

A: First of all, I would like to point out that during the campaign period prior to the presidential election, certain political parties and individuals said that should I be elected, the stock market would collapse or fall beyond control. Some stated that it would drop to 3,000 points, retaining only one-third of its original value; others, being even more bold and audacious, predicted that the market would plunge to a new all-time low of only 100 points. In the two months since I took office, however, none of these things have happened.

I am sure that not everyone is happy with the present conditions of the stock market. However, as most people know, the stock market generally experiences a “low season” almost every year between the months of July and August. Thus, in the end, the level attained by the stock market during this time period will always be different according to people’s expectations and wishes, and I am sure that there is not any set standard on what the market level “should be.” In any event, the role of the government is to watch for all non-economic factors influencing the stock market, and the new government has paid very close attention to such factors. Indeed, the amount of interference in the market caused by non-economic factors following the election was quite significant, and immediately drew our attention; thus, we know that we cannot lower our guard. One of the basic focuses of the new government is the recovery of market economy mechanisms in order to help maintain a market system.

Regarding the difficulties currently facing the financial sector, economic and financial problems have always been a major concern for the government. As an island state, the sustainable development of the economic and financial sectors is essential for the survival of the Republic of China on Taiwan; it is our country’s lifeline. Personally, I am very concerned about the economic and financial developments occurring in Taiwan. However, as the head of state, I must respect our country’s constitutional system and can only express my private concerns and offer assistance as an observer. Premier Tang knows our requirements and expectations, and a series of financial and economic meetings have already been scheduled for August. At that time, substantive measures to help the traditional industries, the real estate market, and other areas will be discussed. I am sure that the executive branch will perform its duties responsibly, formulate effective measures to promote economic prosperity, and maintain the people’s confidence.



Q4: What do you think about the recent disturbance caused by the secret envoy issue between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait? At present, the communication channels between the two sides do not function well. Under this condition, is it feasible to send someone reliable to secretly communicate with Mr. Jiang Zemin in order to extend our goodwill and further enhance bilateral relations? Will frequent visits and exchanges at the current stage be favorable to mutual understanding between the two parties? Why are legislators paying visits to the Chinese mainland being labeled as Beijing’s representatives stationed in Taiwan? Please elaborate on the new government’s attitude and position toward its interaction with the Chinese mainland.

A: I’d like to thank former President Lee Teng-hui for his great assistance and advice to the new government, including myself, during the process of peacefully transferring political power from one party to the other. Former President Lee told me much about the issues of national security, mainland affairs, and what we have done to develop our relations with the US and Japan. However, he has never mentioned anything about the secret envoys between the two sides of the strait. Right now, related agencies are investigating whether there are secret envoys between the two sides or not. They have issued an official letter to the Office of the President, asking for our help to find the file on secret envoys. So far, we haven’t found any. We are also trying to determine whether there is a confidential file on this issue. However, since former President Lee has never told me anything about the secret envoys between the two sides, we have no comments on whether this matter is important or even if it is true.

I deeply understand that before the Koo-Wang Talks were held, the two sides did not have a direct communication channel. We don’t know if there were secret envoys at that time or not. If the answer is yes, I believe that the communication channels between the two sides have developed progressively from exchanging secret envoys at that time to establishing the current dialogue mechanism. Therefore, whether it is necessary to continue the communication channel of sending secret envoys still requires our careful consideration.

However, one thing is very clear. That is that the new government still believes that the Straits Exchange Foundation and the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits are the best institutions for conducting dialogue between the two sides. They are also the most reliable agencies that I highly trust. If you ask who my best secret envoy is, I’d say that we should respect the current mechanism. In other words, I think that the chairman of the Straits Exchange Foundation, Mr. Koo Chen-fu, is the best candidate for my envoy and representative.

All of us hope that the two sides can resume dialogue and re-open consultation channels at an early date. Sometime ago, Mr. Koo told me that someone from the private sector expressed his intention to represent the SEF in visiting the Chinese mainland. Mr. Koo asked for my view, and we have discussed this issue during the staff meetings of the National Security Council. I don’t think it is right to brush aside Chairman Koo and ask someone who is irrelevant to the SEF to represent the SEF or Mr. Koo in talking with the Chinese mainland. Since we have such an established institution, the Chinese mainland should talk to the SEF, if they are to hold talks with Taiwan. We can ask the SEF to send a representative, delegate Chairman Koo himself, or assign other high-ranking SEF personnel. All these people are qualified representatives from an established official system. Why should we give up these people and choose a third party? This is why I always hope to resume the dialogue mechanism between the two sides as soon as possible and make everything open and clear, under the supervision and checks-and-balances of the parliamentary bodies, the entire populace, and the media. This is my faith and my ideal of holding dialogue between the two sides. I proposed it only for your reference.

We cannot deny the fact that the Chinese communists have been hoping to set aside the dialogue mechanism between the two sides. They even try to denigrate it and make it nothing more than an empty shell. I think this is a very bad idea. They have been trying every way to achieve this goal. For example, they spent much time and energy on our national assemblies, political parties, ROC offices in foreign countries, overseas Chinese organizations, and commercial and industrial sectors. This is what our fellow countrymen must watch. However, as long as we can work together with one heart, I am confident that we can do something to further improve bilateral relations. The problem we have is that we now are being thrown into confusion by ourselves. This is very dangerous. I earnestly solicit your support for my ideal, so that the dialogue mechanism between the two sides can begin functioning as soon as possible. Thank you.



Q5: The former administration held a policy of “patience over haste” with respect to cross-strait trade and economic exchanges. According to recent reports, however, the new administration is planning to re-evaluate this policy. Mr. President, what new ideas do you have regarding the “three direct links” and “patience over haste” policies? In addition, the current and former US Secretaries of Defense Cohen and Cheney both mentioned phrases of “six months.” Does this mean that your administration is planning some big breakthrough or other major action in cross-strait negotiations before the end of the Clinton administration?

A: First, I believe that the issue of establishing “three direct links” or “three small direct links” is very important for cross-strait affairs. It is an issue that cannot be avoided forever; sooner or later, we will have to face it. It is for this reason that I stated before that we would promote the establishment of three direct links by the end of the year. Pleases note, however, that the promotion of three direct links does not imply that implementation will be carried out immediately; it simply reflects our true sincerity to see the three direct links realized. Indeed, we not only feel that now is the right time to promote the three direct links, but we also feel that it is a necessity to do so. Under the paramount premise of maintaining national security, we will seek to establish policies on the three direct links that can be implemented independent of any time frame, while upholding basic proportional principles, reciprocal principles, and relevant trade laws. If the Chinese mainland is unwilling to sit down and talk with us, and despite our determination to see things through, a substantial amount of time will still be required to develop such policies. Regarding the preliminary “three small direct links,” the problem we face is the same: If both sides cannot calmly sit down with one another, it will be difficult to have any breakthroughs on even minor matters, such as customs and quarantine issues. Thus, I feel that we already have good policies for the three small direct links and must actively plan for their possible implementation. Hopefully, cross-strait relations can then progress and improve.

        Regarding US Secretary of Defense William Cohen’s hope that dialogue between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait be resumed within six months, I know for a fact that—based on the Six-point Guarantee of 1982—the United States will not be a mediator in cross-strait relations. However, I do hope that the United States can play a more active and constructive role as a stabilizer and balancer to maintain peace in cross-strait relations. Indeed, not only do we feel it necessary that the US take a greater role, but the US government itself appears to be already doing so. In particular, US Secretary of State Madeline Albright’s visit to the Chinese mainland and the subsequent visit there made by US Secretary of Defense William Cohen affirm this. Those visits obtained several positive reports on the status of cross-strait relations: first, that the situation wasn’t tense; second, that matters weren’t pressing; and third, that there wasn’t any threat at the time. These reports reflect how the situation appears to the US and explain why Cohen hoped the two sides could resume dialogue within the coming six months. Please note that these were the hopes and expectations of the United States, not ours. For our part, we have been ready to resume dialogue and negotiations all along and do not want to wait six months before beginning. We are very grateful for this question, and we hope that everyone can give the new government more encouragement and support. Thank you!



Q6: Mr. President, earlier you emphasized your resolution to investigate the death of navy Captain Yin Ching-feng. However, if the case ends up involving many high-ranking officials in either the current or former administration, are you determined to follow through with it to the very end? In addition, regarding the fixed network shares issue, it is quite probable that many legislators will be involved in such transactions. Given such a situation, how does the government plan on carrying out its policy of eradicating “money politics?”

A:

        Regarding the death of Yin Ching-feng, I am sure that everyone understands one of the main reasons for announcing it today in such a fashion was to demonstrate the new government’s willingness and determination to resolve the case. At the same time, I want to tell everyone that this case has been on my mind for the past two months. The decision to investigate was the natural outcome of what I understood to be the military’s desires, which I have learned from many private discussions and consultations with various military personnel, who have served or are currently serving with different military agencies. Indeed, military authorities have told me that they want to see this case solved; otherwise, they will be unable to maintain their dignity. Moreover, the few individuals involved in the case have disgraced almost everyone in the military, and this is quite unfair.

Unfortunately, the case has dragged on for so long because it is complex and involves many sensitive issues. Although the military had the spirit and desire to solve case, it did not possess the necessary strength or power to do so. Thus, it was the military’s hope that I would create an ad hoc committee to unify the investigations of the case. Although the military is unable to directly handle the case again, they are willing to fully cooperate with the ad hoc committee.

I am confident that this investigation will be successful. We cannot allow such involvement of a few persons to affect our national and military image, the government’s authority, and the public’s trust of the judiciary. I have already prepared myself personally for the task ahead. I had prior consultations and discussions with relevant agencies seeking their opinion on the matter, and they all felt that it could be done. Thus, I have taken the opportunity of this second presidential press conference to announce our will and determination to solve the Yin Ching-feng case. And again, as I especially stated just now, I will continue with the investigation regardless of who it involves—whether they are high officials who are currently in power or not. I assure you, the investigation will continue without exception, leniency, and concern.

Regarding the fixed network shares issue, we have received reports from relevant agencies and are trying to find out if any crimes or illegality are involved in the process. Obviously, we are very cautious in identifying the nature of any crime and gathering evidence. The relevant agencies are actively conducting the investigation. I have not received the final report on how many people in the Legislature may be involved in this case. There is still no final decision for what and how they will be prosecuted. However, we will be very careful in gathering evidence and identifying criminal activity.

Nonetheless, I have never said that we will immediately file this case, nor does it mean that we will not prosecute, because I have not said so. How it should be conducted is not within the president’s authority, the administrative departments must coordinate the investigation of this problem, and the judicial agencies should make greater efforts. Therefore, what I said about the special investigation group concerned the Yin case and not the case of the fixed network shares. Thank you.



Q7: Mr. President, in his book Asia Strategy, former president Lee Teng-hui said the Republic of China is the “second” republic. Do you agree with this view? Do you feel that after your election and the change of ruling parties that the Republic of China has reached the stage of the second republic?

A:

        Regarding Asia Strategy, I have not read this book, so I am not able to fully understand former president Lee Teng-hui’s strategies and some of his fundamental views on the future of Taiwan. The “second” republic is not a term that appeared recently. I know that several years ago in promoting constitutional reforms, somebody proposed a draft constitution for the second Republic of China. Therefore, as I have said about constitutional issues, we will take note of it. We also hope that our citizens interested in constitutional reforms, academics and scholars, different political parties, the ruling and the opposition, should all pool their wisdom. It is very clear that I am elected as the tenth-term president in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of China. Today, it is still the Constitution of the Republic of China and not that of the second Republic. Therefore, whether this strategy of the second republic is feasible will be left for everyone to think about and discuss, pooling their wisdom to form a basis for future constitutional reforms.



Q8: Does the new administration have any new plans regarding reentry into the UN or will it instead seek to apply for initial admission as a sovereign state?

A: The ROC on Taiwan sincerely desires the opportunity to fulfill its duties as a member of the international community. As such, it is only natural that we hope to play a more active role in international organizations, including the UN. Whether they are governmental or non-governmental organizations, we hope to work through such groups to contribute even more to the international community. In my May 20 inaugural speech, I particularly mentioned that we hope to use humanitarian assistance programs, economic cooperation, and cultural exchanges to increase our participation in international organizations. The UN is just one of these organizations, however, and it is definitely not the only one.

As the new administration has only been in office since May 20, we have had a very limited amount of time to prepare for the UN General Assembly meeting in September. Thus, although a team has been continuously examining the situation and seeking methods, based on the existing foundations, to regain the ROC's entry into this world body, we do not expect to make any significant breakthroughs in such a short span of time. I truly realize the people's concern regarding this issue. Many public opinion polls have shown that most people on Taiwan support our reentry or admission into the UN. It is what the people want. However, we must understand that there are many obstacles before us, and it will not be an easy task to accomplish.

I am certainly not saying that we should quit because of these obstacles or because the path will be difficult. On the contrary, the most important thing is not to give up. I reiterate that Taiwan must "stand up" and "reach out" to attain its goal. Not only do we want to see the rest of the world, but we also want the world to see the ROC and Taiwan. Thus, we will not forsake our goal of reentering the UN; instead, we will work harder and more vigorously. Hopefully, our compatriots will grant us their consent on this issue by giving the new administration the complete support that it needs. Thank you!



Q9: You just mentioned the special group to investigate the murder of navy Captain Yin Ching-feng. Is the special group placed under the Office of the President? Is Prosecutor General Lu Jen-fa directly responsible to you? Will this become an established practice in dealing with serious criminal cases in the future? Will the case of Chen Wen-cheng’s death and the murder of the Lin families have similar action?

A: I did not say that the special group belonged to the Office of the President, neither could it be. The whole investigation should belong and return to the judicial system. We just ask Prosecutor General Lu Jen-fa of the Supreme Court to be the convener of the special group. Because the case involves many agencies, including the military and police, we think the special group will experience some difficulties in investigation if it is not upgraded to a higher level. Therefore, as a result of prior communication and coordination, we deem it appropriate to establish a special investigation group led by Prosecutor General Lu Jen-fa. I do not want any misunderstanding. We respect the judicial system. We will do our best to investigate the case as long as it is necessary. In other words, if we make any breakthrough in investigating previous criminal cases, we will let you know. Thank you.



Q10: Mr. President, the Tang cabinet might become incapable of implementing major policies, if the opposition parties reject the government budget for next fiscal year. If the Democratic Progressive Party fails to obtain a majority of the seats in the legislative election next year, would it be possible to form a coalition cabinet under such circumstances?

A: We have reiterated that the coalition cabinet is not an option so far. Premier Tang has also made this point very clear in the Legislative Yuan several times. It is obvious that our government for all people is not contrary to multi-party politics. We formed the government for all people on the basis of multi-party politics. The government for all people does not equal the cabinet for all people. Instead, it means that the general public are shareholders of the nation company. The president of the nation company was elected by the people, and then the premier CEO was appointed by the president. Forming a government for all people means recruiting capable individuals to serve in the government regardless of party affiliation, geographic identity and gender.

Therefore, the government for all people is supervised by the general public and the legislature. The Democratic Progressive Party is the ruling party now, but it is a minority party in the Legislative Yuan, with less than one-third of the seats. However, it does not mean that we must form a coalition cabinet. Obviously, the congress supervises the government and the policy of executive departments. It is no wonder that boycotts and resistance from the opposition parties, which are often seen in democratic countries, sometimes occur.

Some people believe that they should bring down the cabinet if they disagree with the new administration and the new cabinet, while others think that refusing to participate in the cabinet will be sufficient. We hope to strengthen the interaction and communication between the ruling party and opposition parties in the future, especially on the issue of cross-strait relations.

I personally believe that our legislators will consider the interests of the nation and the general public when reviewing the government budget. I will put the interest of the nation and the general public above party and personal interests. I believe that we will act positively towards criticism and budget cutting. We will never let the review of the government budget interfere with the development of the nation, especially the prosperity of economy, the welfare of the people, and the security of the nation.

This is not to say that by returning the government budget the legislators can overturn the cabinet. The current constitutional structure and laws have certain mechanisms to overcome such difficulties. Therefore, even if the government budget is returned, a coalition cabinet is still impossible. Our citizens are not fools, and the indirect checks and balances from the general public still exist. Our fellow countrymen supervise and check both the new administration and the legislature. We hope the cabinet and the Legislative Yuan can work together in the future. Thank you.

        



Q11: Taiwan Power Company recently announced that it would continue to cooperate with North Korea to establish facilities for handling low-level nuclear waste. The previous government regarded such a plan as a usual commercial transaction. I am not sure whether the new government sees it in a new way or perhaps has a new approach. If you do not call off plans for the fourth nuclear power plant, will you take a more vigorous approach?

A: This question is closely related to whether we will continue with the construction of the fourth nuclear power plant and also to the final disposal of nuclear waste from the power plants. I am sure that everyone knows we do not have the best solution for disposing nuclear waste. In other words, no country in this world has a truly perfect and safe way for the final disposal of nuclear waste. This is the crucial reason why so many people are opposed to the fourth nuclear power plant and its continued construction. Ironically, while the fourth nuclear power plant is under construction, however, we still do not have a truly effective and safe way to dispose of nuclear waste from our existing power plants. We find this incredible. Whether the fourth nuclear power plant will continue to be built is under evaluation. The Ministry of Economic Affairs hopes to reach a decision in four months' time. And we would not want too much interference by my remarks.

Today, we want to ask our citizens, if we do not build the fourth nuclear power plant, will we surely suffer a power shortage? This is a very important issue. Our international friends believe that the fourth nuclear power plant must be built or power shortages will be inevitable. However, related data and statistics show that this may not be so. The same logic applies here. Is the construction of the fourth nuclear power plant the only choice? Is there no other substituting source of energy? Many scholars and experts, as well as groups from various sectors, have excellent opinions on this issue. We believe that we should convey every fact to our countrymen. We cannot deceive ourselves and others that the construction of the fourth nuclear power plant is the only option or the very last resort to resolve power and energy supply problems. Besides, we still have the problem of final disposal of nuclear waste. This is a serious question.

Whether you agree or not, this issue cannot be avoided. We may not have an answer at this moment and maybe we never will. We may want to dump it on our neighbors. But does this comply with our adage: "Do not do unto others what you would not have done unto you"? I believe that it would be very unethical to take advantage of the ignorance of some countries and people and deceive them. Therefore, let us patiently wait for the evaluation results on whether the fourth nuclear plant should be built. We hope that we will have an answer to this question very soon.



Q12: The name list for the inter-party committee is about to be decided. However, the KMT and the People First Party still refused to participate. If these two parties do not change their attitude in the long run, will the committee continue to operate? In addition, when you received the legislators some time ago, you talked about adding another vice president to the Legislative Yuan and another vice premier to the Executive Yuan by revising the constitution. Will you ask for the support from all sectors in order to achieve this goal?

A: According to my understanding, it shouldn’t be long before the composition of the inter-party committee will be decided. Naturally, there have been some difficulties, for which there are active remedial measures. In fact, the goal of the inter-party committee is quite clear. That is, we hope its members will reach a minimum consensus or common denominator on the cross-strait policy between the ruling and the opposition parties and among different parties. Thus, we can consolidate the strength of the people on Taiwan to negotiate with the Chinese mainland for the best interests of the people and the country.

        Despite resistance, reservation, or even disdain for the committee, I believe its operations in the future will not be affected. In fact, the original plan did not require political parties to formally designate representatives. However, later some people suggested that political parties dispatch members to participate in the inter-party committee. In such a difficult position, Dr. Lee Yuan-tseh, as the convener of the committee, took great pains, with the determination to do things for the country, the people on Taiwan, and the two sides of the Taiwan Strait and his efforts should not be questioned. People should not resisted or refuse to cooperate with Dr. Lee, because of their personal prejudices.

I just mentioned that it is not time for constitutional reform. Perhaps conditions are not mature enough. However, I have no special opinions on the content and subject of the reform. I just want to point out that two years ago, I also suggested adding another vice premier to the Executive Yuan and one more vice president to the Legislative Yuan. Our considerations were very clear. We all know that the Taipei City, Kaohsiung City, and many large counties have two deputy mayors or two deputy county chiefs. As the highest administrative organ of the country, the Executive Yuan has only one vice premier. Perhaps the workload of former Vice Premier Yu was too heavy. He told me recently that he has to work very hard, because there was only one vice premier.

Since the Vice Premier is not able to handle so many economic and trade matters, the Premier usually asks the Secretary-General to handle them. Yet, the related executive departments seem to have some opinions about this arrangement, therefore discouraging heads of the executive departments from attending meetings personally.

Even former Vice Premier Yu felt a need to add another vice premier post to the Executive Yuan. It would be helpful to the Premier. The Legislative Yuan is in the same situation. Korea has two parliamentary speakers. One of them is from the largest opposition party. In fact, the consideration of slowly cultivating parliament leaders has its merit. Just like the present executive departments, which have experienced unprecedented party change.

Who can guarantee which party will one day become the majority in our parliament or our Legislative Yuan. It is difficult to predict. Therefore, we should consider it as it stands. Perhaps we should consider adding another vice president post to the Legislative Yuan. Many people think about this. I just raise it and ask for your advice. I have no specific prejudice. I mean we all should put considerations to constitutional reform. I have no prejudice against subjects for discussion on constitutional reform. I am willing to listen to you all.



Q13: Mr. President, questions about domestic and foreign affairs and the cross-strait relationship have already been raised, so I want to ask about problems occurring within the Office of the President, that is, your communication with the Vice President. The Vice President has criticized your attitude in handling the Pachang River incident, and you made a response accordingly when receiving foreign guests the next day. Don't you think that the broadcast dialog between the president and the vice president of the country represents a problem in communication? Or, do you think a more serious style of communication should be taken to ensure clarification?

A: Not long ago I noticed that a member from the media interviewed the president of Latvia, who is a woman. At the end of the article, a similar question was asked: “As a woman president, what do you think is the greatest obstacle in politics?” The Latvian president answered that the question was in fact a matter of personality and not a matter of gender. Unless everyone has forgotten, at my June 20 presidential press conference, I also addressed this same question. I made it clear that even though I am quite clear on the issues between us, it is a matter of personality rather than gender. Personality needs some time for adjustment. I am a patient person, and I am willing to coordinate and make some adjustments.

Everybody has extremely high expectations and demands of the Vice President, and she also has very high expectations of herself. We are willing to provide her with opportunities and occasions to show her ability. But the functions we have are determined according to the constitutional system. As a matter of fact, in many cases we have already overcome past areas of ambiguity, and even some taboos. For example, in the second military affairs meeting that will be held this afternoon, I have, just as in the first meeting, broken precedent by taking the initiative in personally inviting the Vice President to join me at the meeting. Therefore, in the present and in the future, there are many occasions where I will need to ask for the Vice President’s support. Gradually, people will understand that the Vice President can play an even more active role in handling many government affairs, and she can do it very well. I would like to ask everyone to do as I have, by patiently encouraging, and supporting Vice President Lu. Thank you.



Q14: Mr. President, based on your previous statement, I believe that everyone can clearly perceive your goodwill and sincerity—whether it is with respect to improving finance and economics or cross-strait relations. However, although we can sense your goodwill and sincerity, you have yet to give us a clear idea about what your specific policies are since taking office. Specifically, what is your actual position for Taiwan in cross-strait relations? During the presidential campaign when former President Lee Teng-hui stated his policy on the two sides was based on “special state-to-state relations,” you firmly insisted on Taiwan’s independent sovereignty. Has your stance on this changed any since then? Thank you.

A: I already outlined my cross-strait policy in my May 20 inaugural address, and I expounded upon it during my June 20 press conference. To this day, there still have not been any changes or advancements made with respect to cross-strait policy. To refresh everyone’s memories, I clearly stated that: First, we will definitely maintain our nation’s sovereignty, dignity, and security while seeking the greatest welfare for the people; and second, we feel that both sides of the Taiwan Strait should respect the people’s freedom of choice. I never used the term plebiscite, nor did I use the term of right of resident self-determination. Again, what I stressed was respecting the people’s freedom of choice. In other words, regarding Taiwan’s future, only the 23 million people on Taiwan have the right to make that final choice and decision. This point is completely consistent with the remarks made by US President Clinton that any resolution of cross-strait relations must have the consent of the people on Taiwan.

I have continuously stated that we hopes the two sides of the Taiwan Strait can improve their relations and deal with the future question of “one China” according to the principles of peace, democracy, and parity. The resolution of cross-strait relations is the unavoidable responsibility of the leaders on both sides, and my words on this matter have already been made extremely clear. However, it is impossible for me to tell you choices in a multiple-choice question or which is right in a true-or-false problem each time immediately after I am given the test paper.

I only hope that everyone can understand my sincerity, goodwill, and sense of responsibility. Indeed, our current cross-strait policy has not only met with the approval of the majority of the people on Taiwan, but is also acceptable to both the ruling and opposition parties. Thank you.



Q15:

        Everyone is concerned about the president’s trip abroad next month. In a company, whenever the president leaves on business, the question on everyone's mind is always: who will be left in charge, the vice president or the general manager? With respect to future and past policies, can you clearly expound upon the responsibilities that will be given to the vice president while you are away? Will she be given more power to deal with domestic affairs during your absence?

A: The president will still exist; he won’t simply disappear just because he is abroad. As the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces of the Republic of China, the powers that I hold will not be affected in the slightest by an overseas trip. Indeed, considering how developed connections and communications are in today's world, there are absolutely no obstacles that could hinder me from carrying out my duties in governing domestic affairs while outside of Taiwan. Similarly, whenever US President Clinton is outside of the United States, he is still the president of the United States no matter where he goes. There is no problem of finding an “acting president.” The same is true for former President Lee Teng-hui—wherever he went or whatever countries he visited, he was always the president of the Republic of China, and his powers as president and as commander-in-chief of the armed forces remained perfectly intact.

My visit abroad next month has already been carefully planned and coordinated by the national security and foreign affairs department to the best of their ability, and the “command post exercises” ensuring our country’s security have already been carried out by the Ministry of National Defense. Thus, everyone feels that the timing is right, and I am confident of embarking on my first “friendly journey for democratic diplomacy” next month. I hope the trip can gain the support of the people and the affirmation of both the ruling and opposition parties. While on my trip, if you should have any further questions, please feel free to offer them to me at anytime. I promise to do my best to take your suggestions into consideration. Thank you again, and I invite all of you to take the trip with me next month.

Last Update: August 9, 2000